Frankie Boyle on ‘Hunger’

Controversial Scottish comedian Frankie Boyle named the film ‘Hunger’ (based on Bobby Sands) as number one choice of his Top Five films. Interviewed by Metro magazine he said: “This is the story of Irish republican prisoner Bobby Sands’ hunger strike. It’s like a visual poem almost and very moving. Sands (Michael Fassbender), was someone looking into the future, I suppose: ‘Our revenge will be the laughter of our children.’ I won’t spoil it but there’s a beautiful, poetic ending.”

Boyle, aged forty, is a follower of Noam Chomsky, a Celtic Club fan, and has been embroiled in controversy for his ‘black comedy’ and ‘insult comedy’ with complaints made about his comments, on tour and on BBC and Channel 4, about the British Queen, and physically and mentally disabled people. He is a staunch defender of the rights of Palestinians, describing Israel’s treatment of them as ‘apartheid’, and attacked the BBC for not broadcasting a humanitarian appeal during the 2008–2009 Gaza War.

When the Daily Mirror described him as a ‘racist comedian’, he sued the paper for libel, and in October 2012 a jury found in his favour, ordering the Mirror to pay him £54,650 in damages, all of which he donated to charity.



McGurk’s Bar Massacre

“On the night of Saturday, 4th December 1971, along with the other internees in Cage 3 at Long Kesh, I heard the awful news about the murderous attack on McGurk’s Bar. Within the Kesh then, there were many internees from North Belfast, and the tension as we tried to find out if any of our loved-ones were among the dead and injured crackled in the air like static electricity.”

Veteran republican Gerry O’Hare reviews a new book by Ciarán MacAirt whose grandmother, Kitty Irvine, was one of those murdered in the McGurk’s Bar Massacre:

All through that awful night, we listened intently to the radio for news. The screws refused to speak to us as we were all locked-up at the time. Dawn broke, and still we internees gathered round our radios for news that, agonizingly, did not come with any great detail.

At 8am, the doors to the huts were opened and men trundled out and called to others in Cages One and Two for possible information.

Imagine our feelings when news broadcasts hinted it was an IRA “Own Goal”.

We were shattered, disconsolate that the IRA, according to the reports, was responsible. Men could not look each other in the eyes.

The wait for news of relatives and neighbours dragged on.

A priest, who arrived to say Mass, had scant details. He only knew how many were dead and injured – not their names. As for the “Own Goal” theory, he could neither confirm nor deny.
However, towards tea time on the Sunday, news reaching us from the Belfast Brigade denied the “Own Goal” and squarely put the blame on loyalists. For a few weeks coming up to Christmas, a propaganda war took centre stage, as the fifteen who died were buried while the survivors fought for their lives.

The Brits and RUC took a perverse delight, knowing it was a loyalist attack, and heaping lies to keep the IRA under extreme pressure from its own community.

The families of the atrocity now have an excellent book written by the grandson of Kitty Irvine, who died in the attack. It correctly apportions blame to loyalists and exposes the dirty tactics of the establishment.

Ciarán’s story and research not only nails the lie about those who were murdered at McGurk’s but also holds to account those responsible.

The gruesome details of the suffering that the dying had to endure make for harrowing reading. I had to put the book down on occasions, so upsetting are the accounts of death and injuries.

The author believes one reason for the attack on McGurk’s Bar was to create deadly divisions between the Official and the Provisional IRA. McGurk’s, he believes, was not the intended target that night. The nearby Gem Bar, frequented by Officials was. The UVF, so the theory goes, reasoned that internecine war would break out as the Officials sought revenge by attacking the Provisionals and then the Provisionals would counter attack. It would also drive a serious wedge between people living in the community. He refers to a statement made by the only person ever to be charged and sentenced for McGurk’s, Robert James Campbell.

In his one-and-a-half page statement, taken by the RUC, Campbell briefly states that he was approached by the local UVF commander on the Shankill to join two other members and carry out the operation, initially for the Gem Bar. What is even more unbelievable is that Campbell’s statement was so short. One-and-a-half pages for fifteen lives lost and others shattered?

This, of course, suited the RUC and their lamentable failure to get to the truth. Truth is, of course, the RUC were quite aware of the truth and were determined to make sure that nobody, particularly the families, ever got to it.

A car found some 300 yards from the bar was quickly established to have been the murder gang’s vehicle. It was given a cursory and derisory examination and it then disappeared from the face of the earth. So much for impartial RUC investigations.

Ciaran then takes us on a history of the conflict, from the outset, from the time the Civil Rights Movement was formed and its demands and actions. He outlines the reasons for internment, the Unionist Party’s insistence on its implementation, and the weakness of the Heath government in bowing to Brian Faulkner and John Taylor (Prime Minster and Home Affairs Ministers in the Stormont administration).

Again and again, one feels anger at the way the Brits capitulated to Stormont.

We learn how the unionists succeeded in ensuring that loyalists were excluded from the round-ups despite the authorities being aware of their continuing murderous slaughter of Catholics in their homes.

Ciaran’s diligence and massive research is a credit to his determination to expose the lies and criminal actions of the RUC and British Army. Indeed, he succeeds in getting the leading British Army propagandist of the day, Colin Wallace, to write a foreword to the book.

Again it is shocking and confirms the credibility of Colin research.

The history of the McGurk’s atrocity was one of the foulest attacks on the nationalist/Catholic community at that time.
Ciarán will be available to sign copies of his book and answer any questions at an event in Clifton House, Belfast, on 15th November at 7pm.

The McGurk’s Bar Bombing: Collusion, Cover-Up and the Search for Truth by Ciarán MacAirt (with a foreword by Colin Wallace), Frontline Noir, pp244, £9.99.


Açlık Grevi: İrlanda Deneyimi

Hundreds of Kurdish prisoners are on hunger strike in Turkish jails, some for over 55 days. Observers believe that political prisoners will begin dying within a week. Denis O’Hearn, author of the best-selling book about Bobby Sands, ‘Nothing But An Unfinished Song’, has written a feature for ‘Bianet’, Turkey’s leading left media outlet.

Here are more details on the condition of the prisoners and their demands:

The Peace and Democracy Party’s (BDP) Mersin Deputy Ertuğrul Kürkçü drew attention to the insanitary conditions and prisoners’ lack of access to clean water at the Karataş Women’s Closed Prison in the southern province of Adana where inmates joined in a country-wide hunger strike across Turkey’s jails over a month ago.

The hunger strikes began in protest of the continued isolation of Abdullah Öcalan, the jailed leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK,) and the obstacles that lie before the use of the Kurdish language in Turkey.

Lawyer Cemil Özen said that his client Tayyip Temel had also begun to encounter serious health problems.

“[Authorities] have moved the women on hunger strike at the Karataş prison to a separate ward. The strikers are not receiving visits. They have not been placed under any isolation in this region’s prisons, as far as we have heard. They have someone keeping them company,” Deputy Kürkçü said.

20 inmates are currently on hunger strike at the Adana Kürkçüler Prison, while five more inmates have also joined them at the Karataş Women’s Closed Prison, Kürkçü explained.

Seven minors currently under arrest at the Mersin E-Type Prison have also gone on a hunger strike, he added.

All the strikers at the Kürkçüler Prison are convicts, and half of them have been on hunger strike since Oct. 5, while the rest joined them on Oct. 15, he said.

“The health condition of the prisoners who started the strike on Oct. 5 has begun to deteriorate. No one has yet been taken to hospital,” Kürkçü said, though he also explained that the inmates at both the Karataş and the Kürkçü prisons had access to medical professionals.

“There was already a grave problem of sanitation at the Karataş Prison. They have no running water. Firefighters bring water to the prison, but this is no drinking water. The prison guards also said they did not drink off from this water. Prisoners who do not have enough money to buy drinking water use this water instead,” he said.

The prison is at double its maximum capacity, while there is also a significant problem of rats and insects, Kürkçü added.

The issue could potentially lead to more fateful consequences, and the government should not test the prisoners’ determination, he said, adding that the deadlock could result in the loss of some lives.

“[People] should strive for a solution regarding these [prisoners] who have rightful demands and whose lives are in peril, rather than talking about why or how the strike began,” Kürkçü said.

Meanwhile, lawyer Cemil Özen highlighted the prisoners’ deteriorating health condition, especially at the Diyarbakır D and E-Type prisons where inmates have been on hunger strikes since Sept. 12.

“They have a range complaints including headaches, nausea, joint disorders, vomiting, diarrhea, sleep disorders and weakening perceptions,” lawyer Özen said.

Journalist Tayyip Temel can only speak for a few minutes, while he has become overly sensitive to noise and is experiencing difficulties in walking, reading and speech, he said, adding that the prison administration had also turned down a request to acquire a vitamin complex.

Prison officials refused to comment to bianet on the issue and said they were not authorized to speak on or provide information about the hunger strikes.

Temel has also shed excessive amounts of weight and is having difficulty even when he is only drinking water, lawyer Özen said, adding that the hunger strikers were going through some medical checks nonetheless.

Other inmates who began the hunger strike on Sept. 12 and Mazlum Tekdağ, who had penned a letter to the BDP’s co-chair Gültan Kışanak, are also in a similar condition as Temel, he noted.